What’s the reason for all of this?

Former Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal applied to the provincial sports directorate for the usage of a sports hall in Adana to hold a referendum rally about 23 days ago, but he has not received any answer for 23 days. 

The organizers are considering a rally for Baykal at the local open bazaar. 

Why do almost all the trips and meetings of former MHP deputy Meral Akşener face obstructions? One governor even declared a one-day state of emergency to block her. How come those who are attacking former MHP deputies Sinan Oğan and Ümit Özdağ’s meetings are acting so daringly? 

What about those who hold “yes” rallies; do they face such difficulties? 

You remember the extraordinary party convention of the MHP, don’t you? The Supreme Court of Appeals approved it, but a court stopped it with a short-term preventive measure, which is possible. But it has been a year; the documents in the file have not been completed yet. Has there been a similar case which has been so late? 

On the morning of April 17, Turkey should wake up having completed all the debates on the system and on how the state works, but because of these attitudes, the debates will go on. 

The failure of the justice system to act impartially has long been a matter of debate. The issue is also closely related to Turkey’s international image and the reliability of its institutions. These issues are unfolding before the eyes of international institutions.  

Even the Venice Commission the government cherishes has severely criticized the changes in the election law made by using the powers of the state of emergency. 

These behaviors create the feeling of “being the step children of the state” in a portion of citizens.

 Internationally, they inflate negative debates. I don’t know if the government is aware of this, but they are making things tougher for themselves. 

I have finished reading Professor Ahmet Davutoğlu’s “Records for History” book regarding the infiltration of the Fethullahist Terror Organization (FETÖ) and his statement to the July 15 Coup Attempt Investigation Commission. 

At the end of the book, there is a chapter on “Rebuilding the Political System.” It is not propaganda for the presidential system. It explains the necessary principles needed in all systems regardless of what they are. 

These are views I can put my signature underneath.

As a result of bitter experiences in human history, essential constitutional concepts have been developed, such as “equal citizenship, legal certainty, impartial and independent justice.” 

Especially in the writing of the constitution and the changes in the system, referenda are necessary but they remain inadequate; broad participation should be ensured at the preparatory stage. 

Constitutional or system texts that have been prepared through broad participation are very likely to be accepted in referenda with high percentages and genuinely adopted by the nation, such as the 1958 French Constitution, which was approved with 79 percent of the votes.

They are successful due to this.

Otherwise, if a text cited as “very good” is prepared without adequate participation and not adopted by wide segments, then it is difficult for it to be successful. In this sense, the success of Tunisia and the failure of Egypt are examples where lessons can be drawn. 

It should never be forgotten that holding referenda in a totally free environment is absolutely critical for the future of countries.